This time the decision seems to be final. After nearly 70 people were killed at the start of the year, an expected shift in power for the group, a more executive congress with a distinctly far-right overtone, is underway and could achieve a short-term goal: open dictatorship. For months I have refused to call the usurping regime a dictatorship, but their actions betray them in a callous way. We are on the brink of regime change in Peru.
I would like to discuss at length the classification of the regime as a usurper, as saying so will only lead to confusion. He was a usurper, not because of the people, because Castillo was not there, but because of Boluate, no. He is a usurper because his actions go against the will to change Peru expressed in the July 2021 polls. And because those in power today have no legitimacy among the people. In other words, the vast majority of Peruvians believe that rulers have no right to rule.
In other words, the Peruvian shield was crooked on the strap that Boluate wore whenever he had the chance, because he felt uncomfortable on that foreign chest.
But back to the roots of reflection. The final seizure of the judiciary will close the space of the public sphere, where certain competitions and deliberations will take place, in the interrelation of forces between different political actors, will have certain practical effects in the public view, and will lead us to Falling into a dark place of rejection and persecution. That is, the establishment begins to define who can and cannot participate in politics, bans those who disobey, and persecutes them if they do not obey its orders.
The decisive factor in this authoritarian turn is the weakness of the social and political opposition, not just the evil of our opponents, who seem determined to become enemies without looking back. Nine out of 10 Peruvians oppose the group in power. It doesn’t matter which survey you choose over the past eight months. It seems that this time neither friends, money, nor influence can change the brutality of these polls. The question is how, in this isolation, the weaknesses of power become stronger than those of the opposition.
What I mean by the weakness of the opposition refers to the spontaneity of the social movement. It does not participate in politics, that is, it does not fight for power. In some cases, it even insists on openly denying politics and looks down on those who recognize their opposition role in this way. people. . I also refer to sectarianism, which reappears like a resurrected spirit, blaming comrades who stand aside for every little thing, forgetting the larger task that calls us at this moment in history, to end dictatorships and reopen the path to democracy.
However, in recent days, a small light has come on. Social and political organizations called for mobilization to prevent the eventual capture of the judiciary and the transformation described above. This may taste like a last ditch effort, but as they say in politics and love, hope is the last thing lost, so we have to give ourselves a chance.
Perhaps the biggest issue with this unit is the time management of requirements. Some want a return to democracy that worked at some point but would be terrible now, others think we are not facing a common cold but an end-of-era cancer that must be eradicated. The former talks about early elections, while the latter believes that this should be done from the perspective of voters. However, there is a monster before us all that does not understand these details and wants to devour us and thereby destroy Peru.
The broadest united front is urgently needed at this time to truly defend life and reopen the democratic process where it will be possible to see a broader vision again. In this process, not in another, political leadership must be built so that at the next stop on the train of life in Peru we are greeted not by the bloody hands of the dictator in power, but by some voice of hope that we mentioned above Pass.